That being said – I was born in 1985 in Split, in what was then Yugoslavia, to a Serbian mother and a Croatian father. My early childhood was spent between Sarajevo and the islands of the Adriatic until war arrived; in 1992, we left with three suitcases for the United States.
My father took a research job at Duke University in North Carolina. My parents worked constantly and rebuilt their lives from the ground up. I grew up in American public schools, played basketball, went to prom, made mistakes, and by the time I graduated high school, I felt fully at home here.
I studied public policy at Duke, where I became interested in how institutions shape people’s lives and how the concept of human rights shaped international law and policy after World War II:
After college, I lived and worked in China, studied at Peking University, started a small business, and later co-founded a consulting firm focused on health and regulatory issues in Asia.
In my legal practice, I represented people navigating complex immigration and labor systems. Much of that work involved interacting with institutions most people rarely see — courts, detention systems, and regulatory bodies.
For a part of that time, from 2015 to 2022, I ran a practice (a hybrid non-profit/private practice) focused on visas for victims of crime and deportation defense, the latter part modeled around the idea of massive collaborative representation, which is the practice of representing many detained people with a committed group of volunteers and organizing technology, something I was granted more than $500,000.00 to build out between 2018 and 2020 (and ended due to COVID-related issues in funding and prison access):
My education, my life abroad, and my experiences inside of America’s detention centers and prisons, taught me a simple truth: fair institutions and accessible procedures shape whether everyday people can participate meaningfully in civic life.
And that belief, in turn, is what led me here.
I now live and work in Connecticut’s 3rd District with my wife and children. This is our home. This effort is an attempt to bring some more civic life into our communities at a time when untruths, non-humanitarian ideas, and violence have come to dominate our political landscape.
I was born in 1985 in Split, in what was then Yugoslavia, to a Serbian mother and a Croatian father. My early childhood was spent between Sarajevo and the islands of the Adriatic until war arrived; in 1992, we left with three suitcases for the United States.
My father took a research job at Duke University in North Carolina. My parents worked constantly and rebuilt their lives from the ground up. I grew up in American public schools, played basketball, went to prom, made mistakes, and by the time I graduated high school, I felt fully at home here.
I studied public policy at Duke, where I became interested in how institutions shape people’s lives and how the concept of human rights shaped international law and policy after World War II:
After college, I lived and worked in China, studied at Peking University, started a small business, and later co-founded a consulting firm focused on health and regulatory issues in Asia.
In my legal practice, I represented people navigating complex immigration and labor systems. Much of that work involved interacting with institutions most people rarely see — courts, detention systems, and regulatory bodies.
For a part of that time, from 2015 to 2022, I ran a practice (a hybrid non-profit/private practice) focused on visas for victims of crime and deportation defense, the latter part modeled around the idea of massive collaborative representation, which is the practice of representing many detained people with a committed group of volunteers and organizing technology, something I was granted more than $500,000.00 to build out between 2018 and 2020 (and ended due to COVID-related issues in funding and prison access):
My education, my life abroad, and my experiences inside of America’s detention centers and prisons, taught me a simple truth: fair institutions and accessible procedures shape whether everyday people can participate meaningfully in civic life.
And that belief, in turn, is what led me here.
I now live and work in Connecticut’s 3rd District with my wife and children. This is our home. This effort is an attempt to bring some more civic life into our communities at a time when untruths, non-humanitarian ideas, and violence have come to dominate our political landscape.
This petition pledge effort exists for one simple reason: to determine whether Democratic voters in Connecticut’s 3rd District want the option of a contested primary in 2026.
Under Connecticut law, a challenger must either receive at least 15% of the vote at the party convention or collect a required number of verified voter signatures to appear on the primary ballot.
This site is collecting pledges, not signatures — expressions of intent from voters who are willing to participate when the official signature period opens on April 28, 2026.
A pledge does not place anything on the ballot. It does not support or oppose any candidate. It simply helps determine whether there is enough interest to justify running the official petition process.
If enough voters indicate they are willing to sign, the formal petition will be circulated during the legally defined window.
I want to be transparent about what this pledge effort is and where it leads, so that no one feels misled about the purpose of this effort.
The collection of pledges will not itself lead to a candidacy. But if we get enough pledges, it will make the collecting of petitions easier. Getting enough petitions will lead to a candidacy.
In turn, if the petition collection succeeds and a contested primary is placed on the ballot, I would be the candidate. And should that happen, I intend to pursue that primary with vigor, because I believe we are in a moment of crisis where the Democratic Party, in particular, must be forced to debate their plans for the future out in the open.
Should a primary happen, voters will be free to support or oppose me or anyone else as they see fit.
Signing or pledging the petition does not indicate support for me or for any other candidate. It only allows the choice to exist.
Connecticut law makes petitioning the only way for a challenger to appear on the primary ballot without party-convention support.
This petition effort exists to determine whether there is enough interest among voters to justify running that formal process.
Pledging or signing the petition does not:
Enroll you in a campaign
Commit you to any candidate
Require any future action
Pledging supports the option of a contested primary. Signing the petition allows it to exist (if we get enough petition signatures during the petition signing window).
I want to be transparent about what this petition is and where it leads, so that no one feels misled about the purpose of this effort.
The collection of pledges will not itself lead to a candidacy. But if we get enough pledges, it will make the collecting of petitions easier. Getting enough petitions will lead to a candidacy.
In turn, if the petition collection succeeds and a contested primary is placed on the ballot, I would be the candidate. And should that happen, I intend to pursue that primary with vigor, because I believe we are in a moment of crisis where the Democratic Party, in particular, must be forced to debate their plans for the future out in the open.
Should a primary happen, voters will be free to support or oppose me or anyone else as they see fit.
Signing or pledging the petition does not indicate support for me or for any other candidate. It only allows the choice to exist.
Connecticut law makes petitioning the only way for a challenger to appear on the primary ballot without party-convention support.
This petition effort exists to determine whether there is enough interest among voters to justify running that formal process.
Pledging or signing the petition does not:
Enroll you in a campaign
Commit you to any candidate
Require any future action
Pledging supports the option of a contested primary.
Signing the petition allows it to exist (if we get enough petition signatures during the petition signing window).
This petition pledge effort exists for one simple reason: to determine whether Democratic voters in Connecticut’s 3rd District want the option of a contested primary in 2026.
Under Connecticut law, a challenger must either receive at least 15% of the vote at the party convention or collect a required number of verified voter signatures to appear on the primary ballot.
This site is collecting pledges, not signatures — expressions of intent from voters who are willing to participate when the official signature period opens on April 28, 2026.
A pledge does not place anything on the ballot. It does not support or oppose any candidate. It simply helps determine whether there is enough interest to justify running the official petition process.
If enough voters indicate they are willing to sign, the formal petition will be circulated during the legally defined window.
About ballot access
About voter choice
About procedural fairness
A traditional campaign (because I am not on the ballot)
A fundraising drive (You’ll note I do not ask for money anywhere on this site)
A request for political support
Small daily actions that open the door to choice.
Small daily actions that open the door to choice.

This effort supports ballot access and voter choice. It does not require support for any candidate or campaign.
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